Japanese Communist Party Chair Tetsuzo Fuwa on January 4 delivered a speech to the 2000 JCP New Year Assembly at the JCP head office. Analyzing the present political situation in Japan, he emphasized that the JCP argument for "Remaking Japan" is being accepted by many people of all walks of life. A summary translation of his remarks follows:
Six years ago there was confusion about what "non-LDP" should be
Six years ago my New Year Assembly speech began to raise the question of Japan's political current of the time.
The first such occasion was in 1994 when the Hosokawa cabinet was established amidst the LDP's crisis, when it was fashionable to talk of a "non-LDP" approach. At that time there were various kinds of confused views on the political situation. So the JCP said that no "reform" within the framework of LDP politics has a future, and that the real political confrontation is over a choice between LDP politics and democratic reform that the JCP calls for. And we called on the people to devote their energy to the effort to make the democratic reform movement a political reality.
During the past six years, remarkable changes have taken place in Japan's politics.
Increased JCP political strength -- the number of JCP Dietmembers, the percentage of JCP votes in the elections and the number of local assembly members for the JCP
First, the advance of JCP strength.
The number of JCP seats in the Diet almost doubled during the past six years from 26 as of January 1994 (15 in the House of Representatives and 11 in the House of Councilors) to 49 seats at present (26 and 23). Also, its voting strength in national elections almost doubled from 4.83 million (7.7%) in the 1993 general election to 8.19 million (14.6%) in the proportional representation part of the latest 1998 House of Councilors election.
The number of JCP local assembly members was 3,910 in January 1994; we now have 4,452, an increase of 542. About 60% of this increase, 334, was made in 1999 alone. This indicates how fast we are advancing now.
Notably, at the 47 prefectural assemblies where the JCP had difficulty increasing its representation, the number of JCP seats increased from 114 to 185, thus competing with the Democratic Party of Japan and the Komei party for a position next to the LDP.
In 1994, Mayor Kenzo Yamada of Nanko Town in Hyogo Prefecture was the only JCP municipality head. Today, there are ten JCP local government heads in two cities, seven towns, and one village.
The system of "all-are-government-parties" without the JCP is gone
Second, the collapse of the "all-are-government-parties" structure which excluded the JCP led to a major political division among those parties which once played a ruling party role.
During the period of the "non-LDP" government, these parties would content with the LDP in elections, but their position was one of taking over what the LDP had been doing, and this was their public promise. Government and opposition parties were in agreement on "excluding the JCP."
Things are different today. These parties have been realigned into government parties and opposition parties, and the practice of "excluding the JCP" has ceased to exist. Very extensive cooperation between the opposition parties took place in the last extraordinary Diet session.
In the 1970s, firm cooperation between opposition parties took place occasionally based on agreed points. It was common for them to join together in such actions as the thorough investigation into the Lockheed bribery scandal, and to get a major amendment to the draft government budget. So, after an interval of 20 years, opposition parties again formed joint struggles in a favorable atmosphere.
Though the present scope of agreement between opposition parties is still limited, we've learned through the latest Extraordinary Diet Session that this kind of cooperation can be effective if it is in earnest. The JCP will make further efforts to increase points of agreement while working to advance earnest joint struggle.
LDP's political impasse stands out in history
Third, LDP politics is at a major impasse.
This bottleneck is distinctive in LDP history since its founding in 1955. The newly established LDP-LP-Komei coalition government only helped to make this crisis more serious.
The ultimate expression of this impasse will be financial failure.
"Fiscal failure" was declared four years ago
The LDP-led government's fiscal failure was pointed out by the Fiscal System Council in December 1995 in what can be described as a "declaration of bankruptcy." The Council warned that Japan's financial situation was like a time bomb which will explode at anytime in the future. And the time bomb is getting larger, it declared.
Citing the Maastricht Treaty that provides for conditions for economic integration in Europe, the Council report said Japan does not meet the conditions for joining the integration.
The total liabilities of both central and local governments at the end of fiscal 1995 were expected to be 410 trillion yen, which was 89 percent of the nation's GDP. Japan was on the verge of insolvency, as the Fiscal System Council put it.
Loose fiscal policy has continued with its ups and downs. The liabilities amounted to 544 trillion yen when Keizo Obuchi replaced Ryutaro Hashimoto as prime minister.
5.4 million yen debt per capita
Under the FY 2000 draft national budget, the total amount of debts by the end of fiscal 2000 (March 31, 2001) will be 645 trillion yen, or about 130 percent of the GDP. The government continues to disregard the 1995 "bankruptcy declaration" announced when liabilities amounted to 410 trillion yen or 89 percent of the GDP. Liabilities have since increased by 60 percent to 645 trillion yen. Its ratio to the GDP has also increased. Japan is literally a "great debtor nation."
During its 17 months in power, the Obuchi Cabinet has increased the debt by 101 trillion yen, the worst record ever.
Boastfully calling himself the "King of debtors in the world," he said, "There is no one in the world, except Japan's prime minister, who has a 600 trillion yen debt". The problem is that the Obuchi Cabinet is responsible for the debt but it will not be cleared by this cabinet.
The debt at the time the Obuchi Cabinet was formed was 600 trillion yen or 4.5 million yen per capita; 645 trillion yen means 5.4 million yen per person. Prime Minister Obuchi has increased the debt per capita by 900 thousand yen and imposed a 21.6 million yen debt on a family of four. It is the people who will have to pay for it in the 21st century.
Even the media criticize the government for distributing "tax money with the election in mind"
The Obuchi Cabinet is spending more tax money for its own partisan interests because the debt is not for theirs to repay. It has no intention of saving tax money, either.
The Obuchi Cabinet has been much criticized by the media. A newspaper reported, "The ratio of the debts of central and local governments to the GDP has increased by 30% and reached the same level as FY 1943 when all efforts were concentrated on making money for the Pacific War." The paper thus warned that the government finance is in more serious condition than in the wartime when the government had to carry out the war with borrowed money, with no consideration of the balance.
Another newspaper reported, "The draft budget makes us feel depressed because we will have to pay increased taxes in the future to redeem the large quantity of government bonds."
"If you run after two hares, you will catch neither."
-- Obuchi cabinet is running after votes, not hares (economic
recovery)
Prime Minister Obuchi says, "If you run after two hares, you will catch neither." He uses this proverb to justify the government's waste of public money. There is no one who thinks that what the Obuchi cabinet is doing now is a serious step for recovering the economy. Big public works projects will not help to recover the economy as history shows.
What the Obuchi cabinet is running after is not "hares" (economic recovery) but electoral votes. Commenting on the public works projects, a newspaper editorial stated, "Public works projects are undertaken in the conventional manner everywhere. They are called "steps for boosting the economy" but only seem to be a means of giving money to local construction companies and their employees who will return the favor in elections by gathering votes."
The paper also said, "The wasteful use of money was not limited to public works projects. Increases of the medical treatment fee paid to doctors under the medical insurance plan and of child care allowance are also aimed at getting more votes in elections."
What is this all about? Japan is in a critical fiscal crisis which will undermine the nation's economy and the people's living conditions in the 21st century, and the government has no intention to tackle the problem seriously. In this we can see an impasse and the irresponsibility of LDP politics in its most helpless form.
LDP-LP-Komei coalition only helps to increase irresponsibility leading Japan to ruin
Irresponsibility in LDP politics has been worsened by the LDP-LP-Komei coalition. The LP together with the LDP has put pressure on the Finance Ministry to allot a huge amount of money for public works projects. The Komei Party demanded a 2.9 trillion yen as child care allowance so that they will be able to appeal to the electorate and say, "We did it."
The coalition is leading the country to ruin, and the situation can only worsen if they manage to stay in power. This is the political reality we are faced with.
With constructive policy proposals the JCP is winning popular trust
Against this backdrop public attention to the JCP argument for reshaping Japan is increasing.
Let me introduce what Kunio Ihara, former chief editor of Asahi Shimbun's Osaka head Office, stated in the latest issue of the magazine "Zen'ei (Vanguard)."
"I am glad that Mr. Fuwa in his questions on behalf of the JCP in the Extraordinary Diet Session made concrete proposals on many policy issues."
Referring to JCP policy proposals on nuclear energy administration, job security, small- and medium-sized businesses, the nursing care insurance system and foreign policy, he stated:
"All these proposals are what the coalition government by the Liberal Democratic Party, the Liberal Party and the Komei Party can put into practice right now, if they have the will to do so. In the past, those in power would let the JCP speak out because it was thought that the JCP only argues for an idealistic vision. Things are different now. These concrete proposals substantiate the JCP's declaration of its being a true national party."
Mr. Ihara said that Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi should reasonably be indebted to the JCP for making these proposals, and continues to say:
"The people will be at ease. In the past, they questioned the validity of JCP proposals but have recently discovered that the JCP is capable of making concrete proposals. They will probably come to think of giving the JCP a chance, rather than entrusting questionable parties with the task."
We are delighted to read this comment which is based on a good understanding of what we are thinking.
This contrast between the no-way-out position of government policies and constructive JCP proposals is being much discussed in various fields.
The JCP can make such constructive proposals because of the value placed on JCP proposals to reform Japan.
Economy: Harm comes from upside-down national finance and capitalism without rules
We have pointed out many times that Japan's economy and politics are extraordinarily distorted, without a parallel in other capitalist countries.
The distortion arises from the upside-down national budgetary allocation by which public works projects claim 50 trillion yen, while only 20 trillion yen goes for social security.
The other major source of distortion is represented by "capitalism without rules," which is peculiar to Japan. Japanese capitalism lacks proper regulatory mechanisms to defend the people's livelihood and rights. Yesterday, Akahata began to run a serial article on the employment situation in Europe. Readers may be amazed at the big difference between Japan and European countries in regulatory rules on employment.
This is what you can see everywhere in the country.
Most questions concerning the people's livelihood and rights must be dealt with in the light of these two issues. If we change them we can find a solution serving the people's wishes even within the framework of capitalism. But if the present distorted situation continues unabated, no permutation of political parties can get an answer. It is important to recognize that the Japanese economy has come to this devastating point.
Foreign policy--Three JCP proposals worthy of party calling for Japan-U.S. Security Treaty to be abolished
The JCP is striving for the abrogation of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. But unless the majority of the people want the treaty abrogated, Japan cannot logically embark on this course. The important point is that the JCP is capable of making constructive foreign policy proposals precisely because it is a party committed to abrogating the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty.
Last September, I led a JCP delegation on a visit to Southeast Asian countries. The visit gave me a keen sense of Japan's foreign policy lagging far behind other Asian countries. It is still overshadowed by the prejudiced foreign policy from the era of the U.S.-Soviet confrontation.
First, Japan still gives priority to military response in dealing with international problems. This is the argument that led to the enactment of the Guidelines-related bills aimed at sending the Self-Defense Forces abroad, which is a violation of the Constitution. In short, the logic of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty is that a military approach should rule even at a time when the world is in need of wisdom for peace.
During our Southeast Asian tour we often heard people say they are determined to get any disputes solved by peaceful negotiations and that they give priority to this approach, not to a military-first approach. Compared with this determination, Japan lags far behind.
Second, the Asian region gets a very low rating in Japan's foreign policy, although Japan is an Asian country. This was also a topic we discussed in these countries. At Malaysia's Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS), I said, "Regrettably the Japanese government gives top priority to relations with the U.S. and the other G-8 Summit countries, with Asia coming lower down the list of priorities." I noticed that participants from Malaysia nodded many times in an expression of agreement. Many Asian countries have a perception that Japan, an Asian country, is not interested in Asian political affairs and that its policy is not based on solidarity with Asia.
Third, it lacks ability to make decisions on its own and just follows U.S. hegemony. A major issue in the world today is U.S. ambition to control the world as it likes, by interfering in the internal affairs of other countries and even by reneging on the rules established by the United Nations Charter. During our Southeast Asia visit we heard many people say, "U.S. hegemony is most dangerous. The question we now face is how to contain it." Japan lacks any independent foreign policy of its own and just subordinates itself to U.S. hegemony.
Even before the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty is abrogated, we propose three points as an immediate tasks to change Japan's foreign policy.
First, Japan must give top priority to the peaceful, negotiated settlement of international disputes, reject the military-first approach, and strictly observe the peace rules as established in the United Nations Charter.
Second, it must give adequate attention to relations with Asian countries.
Third, it must establish an independent foreign policy ending its subservience to the U.S. or any other foreign power.
Let me add something in this respect. Yesterday's news on the return of U.S. Marine corps Futenma Air Station said that the government is about to decide to just inform the U.S., not demand or negotiate, of a 15-year limit on the use of the new base which the Okinawa prefectural governor is asking.
It was a public promise to the people of Okinawa and the rest of Japan, as understood by the Liberal Democratic Party in the gubernatorial election (November 1998), that Futenma Air Station, if transferred to Nago City, should be subject to a 15-year period for use. When the plan is about to be put into practice, the government says that it will just notify the U.S. of the objection from Okinawa but will not negotiate it with the U.S. Held in sheer contempt by such foreign policy of subservience are the people of Okinawa Prefecture and elsewhere in Japan. For Japan to clearly break free from this yoke is a task it can achieve even before the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty is abrogated.
Because the JCP maintains such a position, during my questions as a JCP representative in the Diet in January 1999, I proposed that Japan open a diplomatic channel with North Korea. I am glad to see the subsequent developments on the North Korea question in this direction. The JCP will demand that the government carry out these three points; they will also be the guide for JCP foreign activity.
Japan's foreign policy is said to be invisible to the world. The government and the ruling parties are trying hard to regain Japan's presence through the show of military strength, but this clearly runs counter to the world's mainstream. Our task is to work for a Japanese presence supported by a reasonable independent foreign policy based on earnest quest for peace, to shine peace in Asia and the rest of the world.
Irresponsible politics by the LDP and the coalition partners must end without delay
This is a year of a House of Representatives general election. At the end of last year, asked by the mass media about the prospects on a dissolution of the House of Representatives I said, "If Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi has courage and insight, it should be logical for him to choose an early dissolution." I haven't changed this view. Because we can no longer allow the coalition cabinet to carry out its insensible politics relying on numerical strength without seeking the people's judgment through elections.
I wanted the Prime Minister to accept this advice. As time passes and comes closer to the end of the four-year term of the House of Representatives, it becomes more likely that the cabinet will have to conclude that they are so incompetent that they cannot dissolve themselves. Then the election will be devastating from them.
However, I doubt that the cabinet has such a courage, sensibility, and wisdom, so raise the people's awareness in order to achieved an early dissolution of the House of Representatives.
Should the ruling parties fail to maintain their majority, a coalition government by opposition parities will become a realistic option
Our major task in the general election is to give the Japanese people an opportunity to express their judgment on the LDP politics represented by the three-party coalition.
At this point the opposition parties are not in such a condition as to put up a united campaign based on a certain policy agreement. In this situation, the focal point is that each political party must do its utmost to win a larger number of votes and seats than in the previous general election so that their respective achievements can deal a heavy blow to the LDP and the three-party coalition.
Of course, voters will be asked to give judgment based on a careful examination of each party's policy. When efforts and achievements by opposition parties are concerted, they can effectively drive the three-party coalition into a corner.
If in the election the three ruling parties fail to keep their majority in the House of Representatives, forming a coalition government by opposition parties will become a realistic task. At present, this prospect is just theoretical, but it would become a practical reality, should the ruling parties lose their majority. All opposition parties will be obliged to make a choice whether to keep going on separately and letting the LDP and the three-party coalition continue or to set up a new coalition government of opposition parties and open the way for new politics people-centered to replace the LDP-led government.
After the House of Councilors election in 1998, the JCP already set out its basic views on how to participate in a discussion of coalition government formation. This view has not changed.
The general election in this historical year 2000 will be a huge political battle to choose a direction for Japan's politics in the 21st century.
I'd like to emphasize that how much significance the election will have at this turning-point of Japan's politics depends on how much the JCP advances.
JCP branches and intermediate JCP bodies have increased their political vitality and advanced their organizational strength in campaigns to solidify power for an election based on party activity. Reinforcing JCP capability and pursuing the effort to expand the JCP network further among the people, let us fight and use all our might to win the election."
Let the Osaka gubernatorial and Kyoto mayoral elections pave the way for a heart-to-heart politics
A political battle that is crucial to Japan in the 21st century starts in January in Osaka Prefecture and in Kyoto City. These elections will take place at a time when the LDP is losing its support base because its political decadence has drawn criticism from a wide-range of people. This is the defining characteristic in Osaka and Kyoto.
In the '70s, the progressive and democratic current in national politics developed on the basis of the spread of such a current in local politics in Kyoto, Tokyo, Osaka, Okinawa, Saitama, and elsewhere. About 40% of Japan's population lived under progressive local governments at that time. Such a current in local government has recently developed a solid foundation.
A new political situation is emerging as we enter the 21st century. Without doubt, progressive change in local politics will be very significant, and the LDP camp will take every possible step to defend their reactionary bulwark.
Let us gather all the power of local citizens of Osaka Prefecture and Kyoto City to defeat the LDP camp and to win a local administration in which "the people are the key-players." I now conclude my greeting. The JCP will do its utmost to develop a path starting at these two localities for a "heart-to-heart politics" of the 21st century. (end)
|
HOME:www.jcp.or.jp/english |
